Welcome to HangZhou 杭州 …

With The New Atlas ... Anti-China proxy war also in Pakistan ...

XīTang is a picturesque, ancient water-town in JiaShan County, ZheJiang province; within the flat-lands of the YangTse River delta. Its history dates back to at least the Spring and Autumn Period when it was located at the border of the ancient states of Yue and Wu. XiTang is crisscrossed by nine rivers and many canals, linked by a multitude of distinct stone bridges. In the older parts of town, the buildings are set along the banks of the canals, which serve as the main transportation thoroughfares. The town has maintained a tranquil ambiance and scenic beauty, making it a popular tourist attraction and has been frequently depicted in traditional Chinese landscape painting. In XiTang, there are well-preserved groups of buildings from the Ming dynasty (1368-1644) and the Qing dynasty (1644-1911). XiTang also contains numerous antique residences and temples, such as the Temple of the Seven Masters and a 1,200 meter canal-side, tiled-roof long-corridor. Other places of interest include : XiYuan Garden, with trees and plants, lakes and bridges, pavilions and fountains all harmoniously integrated. Xue's House, which is a typical wooden courtyard of the rich merchant from this region during the later Qing dynasty. WangXian Bridge, which was constructed during the Song dynasty, more than a thousand years ago. XiTang can be explored on a day-trip from Shanghai or HangZhou. From Shanghai, the journey takes around 1:45 hours by coach. Alternatively, one can first take a train or bus to JiaShan, from where there is a bus leaving for XiTang every 10 minutes, a distance of around ten kilometers. One might choose to stay overnight in XiTang or JiaShan to take in the evening or early morning ambiance.

中波夫妻摩旅青藏高原 And in SiChuan ... And in YunNan ... Bonus film - high speed rail ... Bonus film 2 - XiaMen subway ...

春暖花开，来上一锅享誉巴蜀的盐排骨可好？ ZiQi wrote the following when she released this video on Chinese social media on father's day 2016 : I don't have a signature dish. I just heard from grandma that you liked it. I don't remember your face, but there's always a silhouette in my head, and I know that it's you. It hasn't been easy without you by my side. It's been twenty two years. I really miss you. Her father passed away when she was a young child. The background song is by an artist named 薛之谦 and is called 我好像在哪见过你 - I think I have met you somewhere ...

With Cyrus Janssen ... Comment by Gustavo Andrés ... There is an overwhelming assumption in the West that China’s Achilles heel is the state: that it lacks legitimacy. This is the underlying reason why Westerners believe that China’s transformation is unsustainable: that the political system cannot survive. It would be wrong to suggest that attitudes have not shifted: the endurance of the reform period, now over 35 years old, and the scale of its achievement have bred a growing if still grudging respect, and a less apocalyptic view of Chinese political change. Few now regard it to be imminent and many have extended their time horizons somewhat into the future. Nevertheless, most Westerners still regard China’s present political order as lacking legitimacy and as ultimately unsustainable. In the post 1945 period, Westerners have come to believe that Western-style democracy – essentially universal suffrage and a multi-party system – is more or less the sole source of a government’s legitimacy. This is a superficial and ahistorical position. Western-style democracy does not ensure the legitimacy of a regime in the eyes of its people: Italy is perhaps the classic example, with successive governments over a long historical period experiencing a chronic lack of legitimacy. And what of China? Although it does not have Western-style democracy, there is plenty of evidence – for example the Pew Global Attitude surveys and the work of Tony Saich at the Harvard Kennedy School – that the Chinese government enjoys high levels of support and legitimacy, much higher indeed than those of Western governments. How do we explain this? Clearly the reason is not Western-style democracy because China has not chosen this path. The late Lucian W. Pye, in his book ‘Asian Power and Politics’, argues that Western scholars have, in their understanding of politics, prioritised political systems over political cultures: Pye argues, correctly in my view, that the opposite is the case. His insight is highly relevant to the Chinese case. The relationship between the state and society in China is very different from that which characterises Western societies. There are three key elements. First, China is primarily a civilization-state rather than a nation-state, with the overriding and extremely difficult age-old task of government being to maintain the unity of China and its civilization. This has lent the state an enduring authority, importance and centrality in China that is very different from the Western nation-state tradition. The state is intrinsic to China in a way that this is not true in Western societies: they are, in effect, in large degree synonymous. Furthermore the Chinese regard the state in some degree as an expression and extension of themselves. Second, whereas in Western societies the state is seen in an instrumentalist and utilitarian way – in other words, what will it do for me? – in China, following from the Confucian tradition and the idea that the Emperor should model himself on the father’s role as the head of the family, the state is perceived in a familial way, whence the expression ‘nation-family’, or the idea of China as an extended family. Or, to put it another way, in Western societies the state is viewed as an external and somewhat artificial construct, for the Chinese it is an intimate. Third, a much higher premium is placed on the efficiency and efficacy of the state than in the West, whence the importance of meritocracy in the recruitment of public servants. In the West, discussion about the state largely revolves around the manner by which the government is selected, in China, by way of contrast, the competence of the state assumes priority. Fourthly, following from the previous point, the state is expected and required to deliver in China. Over the last few decades, of course, it has presided over and masterminded a huge transformation, the most remarkable in modern economic history. The contrast between the performance of the Chinese and Western economies is manifest. In summary, the relationship between the state and society in China and the West is profoundly different and the reasons lie in the historical and cultural differences between them. They can and should learn from each other but they will remain distinct. So what of the future? As I mentioned at the outset, it is axiomatic in the West that sooner or later China will face a crisis of governance that will result in profound reform along Western lines. In reality, it seems far more likely that the crisis of governance will occur in the West than China. The United States and Europe are in decline and, as a consequence, their ruling elites and political systems are already suffering from declining legitimacy and authority, a process that is likely to continue. China, in contrast, is a rising power whose ruling elite is likely to enjoy growing status and prestige as a consequence. China, though, faces its own kind of governance challenge. The country is changing at extraordinary speed. If one thinks of how the life of an ordinary person has changed over the course of the last three decades, then this is a measure of how everything else, including political rule, must also change in order to survive. Of course, transparency, representivity and accountability have been transformed since Mao’s death, but this is a dynamic process and arguably the greatest changes still lie in the future. It is not that China needs to or should change its system – it has stood the test of time and managed to stay abreast of and lead the wider transformations – but, this notwithstanding, more profound ways must be found to modernise the political system and its institutions if they are to meet the demands and expectations of a very different society.

Anyone who has visited China immediately knows that they have been lied to. With FridayEveryday ... Bonus film - on the best 'democracy' that money can buy (the people don't matter) - with Ben Norton ... On human rights, with Daniel Dumbrill ... With Fernando Munoz Bernal ... With Harvey in China ... With Aiden Qiu ...

Flashback Thursday. 2011. With youkiame ...