SanLiTun 三里屯, BeiJing

Explore the local sights and dishes with four lively Chinese girls from Singapore ...

The beautiful outdoor show in HangZhou, ZheJiang province ...

With Alan Watts ...

The XinJiang region, (north) west China, has been under Chinese rule since at least the 18th Century. While bombing Muslims everywhere else, the Uyghurs in China (a Turkic people in XinJiang) are a useful tool for Western attempts to destabilize and break up China. Just like the useful idiots in Hong Kong, and Tibet. The Uyghurs have autonomous regions, yet some fall under the Western spell (money) to push for unjustified 'independence'. The Main Stream Media (MSM), and much of the (often fake) 'independent media', in the West have been pushing a "repression" fable strongly for some time, using every propaganda trick in the book; plus the usual 'human rights' (you're free to do as you're told) and 'democracy' (you're free to choose one of the big money picks) scams. Yet wherever 'color revolutions' and invasions by the West have taken place, real repression followed. The MSM tell an, at first glance, convincing story - it sounds good ("how terrible!"), till one scratches the surface. In reality, the West doesn't really care less about the Uyghurs; it's all about trying to break up China. Emotionally charged lie - repeated ad nauseam. Don't be fooled. Uyghurs, Hong Kong organised crime and murderers extradition treaty 'protests', Tibet, 'trade war', South China Sea islands, etc., are all part of a total (all fronts) war on China. For now, it's predominantly an info war; but also a poke, poke, poke real war. And all because the US feels it has the right to rule the whole world (although it cannot even take care of itself). It's not the will of the American (and puppets) people; just the elite (some of).

Zhou Shen & Sa Dingding singing at the Mid Autumn Festival "Upwards to the Moon" 《左手指月》...

With Brenna (and her crew - Chance, Emry and Wynnie). What is life ? Life is a Chance (opportunity), go for it (tomorrow may never be the same). One has only one time to live one's dream ... With Living Asian ...

With Men's Journal ... About the GongGa Trail Mount GongGa, also known as Minya Konka, is the highest peak in SiChuan province, China, standing at 7,556 meters (24,790 feet). The Gongga Trail offers a challenging yet rewarding trekking experience, featuring stunning landscapes, glaciers, and traditional Tibetan villages. It is a popular destination for adventurers and nature enthusiasts looking to explore the remote and pristine beauty of the region. Hiking Trails Hailuogou Glacier Park Trail The Hailuogou Glacier Park Trail is one of the most accessible routes on Mount Gongga. It features stunning views of glaciers, hot springs, and lush forests. This trail is suitable for trekkers of all levels and can be completed in 2-3 days. Yulongxi Trail The Yulongxi Trail offers a more challenging trek with breathtaking scenery, including high-altitude lakes, meadows, and snow-capped peaks. This trail takes about 4-5 days to complete and requires a good level of fitness. Kangding to Gongga Monastery Trail This trail starts in Kangding and leads to the Gongga Monastery, providing trekkers with an opportunity to experience local Tibetan culture and stunning natural beauty. The trek takes approximately 5-6 days. Old Chengdu-Kangding Tea-Horse Road This historic trail follows the ancient trade route, offering a blend of cultural and natural attractions. Trekkers can enjoy scenic vistas, traditional villages, and historical sites along the way. The trek can take 7-10 days depending on the chosen route. Famous Guesthouses Hailuogou Grand Hotel Located at the entrance of Hailuogou Glacier Park, Hailuogou Grand Hotel offers comfortable accommodation and easy access to the glacier. It is a great base for starting the trek. Gongga Shan Hotel Situated in Kangding, Gongga Shan Hotel provides modern amenities and a convenient location for trekkers heading towards Mount Gongga. The hotel offers stunning views of the surrounding mountains. Konka International Youth Hostel Located in the town of Luding, Konka International Youth Hostel is popular among backpackers and budget travelers. It offers basic accommodation and a friendly atmosphere. Minya Konka Guesthouse Near the Gongga Monastery, Minya Konka Guesthouse provides an authentic Tibetan experience with traditional architecture and hospitality. It is a perfect stop for trekkers on the Kangding to Gongga Monastery Trail. Transport Mount Gongga and the Gongga Trail are accessible from major cities in Sichuan province. Here are some ways to get there: From Chengdu: Buses and private transfers are available from Chengdu to Kangding, taking approximately 6-7 hours. From Kangding, you can hire a local guide or take a bus to the trailhead. From Kangding: Local buses and taxis can take you to various trailheads, including Hailuogou Glacier Park and Yulongxi. The journey time varies depending on the destination. By Car: Renting a car is a flexible option for those who prefer driving. The roads to Kangding and surrounding areas are well-maintained, offering scenic views along the way.

With Cyrus Janssen ... Comment by Gustavo Andrés ... There is an overwhelming assumption in the West that China’s Achilles heel is the state: that it lacks legitimacy. This is the underlying reason why Westerners believe that China’s transformation is unsustainable: that the political system cannot survive. It would be wrong to suggest that attitudes have not shifted: the endurance of the reform period, now over 35 years old, and the scale of its achievement have bred a growing if still grudging respect, and a less apocalyptic view of Chinese political change. Few now regard it to be imminent and many have extended their time horizons somewhat into the future. Nevertheless, most Westerners still regard China’s present political order as lacking legitimacy and as ultimately unsustainable. In the post 1945 period, Westerners have come to believe that Western-style democracy – essentially universal suffrage and a multi-party system – is more or less the sole source of a government’s legitimacy. This is a superficial and ahistorical position. Western-style democracy does not ensure the legitimacy of a regime in the eyes of its people: Italy is perhaps the classic example, with successive governments over a long historical period experiencing a chronic lack of legitimacy. And what of China? Although it does not have Western-style democracy, there is plenty of evidence – for example the Pew Global Attitude surveys and the work of Tony Saich at the Harvard Kennedy School – that the Chinese government enjoys high levels of support and legitimacy, much higher indeed than those of Western governments. How do we explain this? Clearly the reason is not Western-style democracy because China has not chosen this path. The late Lucian W. Pye, in his book ‘Asian Power and Politics’, argues that Western scholars have, in their understanding of politics, prioritised political systems over political cultures: Pye argues, correctly in my view, that the opposite is the case. His insight is highly relevant to the Chinese case. The relationship between the state and society in China is very different from that which characterises Western societies. There are three key elements. First, China is primarily a civilization-state rather than a nation-state, with the overriding and extremely difficult age-old task of government being to maintain the unity of China and its civilization. This has lent the state an enduring authority, importance and centrality in China that is very different from the Western nation-state tradition. The state is intrinsic to China in a way that this is not true in Western societies: they are, in effect, in large degree synonymous. Furthermore the Chinese regard the state in some degree as an expression and extension of themselves. Second, whereas in Western societies the state is seen in an instrumentalist and utilitarian way – in other words, what will it do for me? – in China, following from the Confucian tradition and the idea that the Emperor should model himself on the father’s role as the head of the family, the state is perceived in a familial way, whence the expression ‘nation-family’, or the idea of China as an extended family. Or, to put it another way, in Western societies the state is viewed as an external and somewhat artificial construct, for the Chinese it is an intimate. Third, a much higher premium is placed on the efficiency and efficacy of the state than in the West, whence the importance of meritocracy in the recruitment of public servants. In the West, discussion about the state largely revolves around the manner by which the government is selected, in China, by way of contrast, the competence of the state assumes priority. Fourthly, following from the previous point, the state is expected and required to deliver in China. Over the last few decades, of course, it has presided over and masterminded a huge transformation, the most remarkable in modern economic history. The contrast between the performance of the Chinese and Western economies is manifest. In summary, the relationship between the state and society in China and the West is profoundly different and the reasons lie in the historical and cultural differences between them. They can and should learn from each other but they will remain distinct. So what of the future? As I mentioned at the outset, it is axiomatic in the West that sooner or later China will face a crisis of governance that will result in profound reform along Western lines. In reality, it seems far more likely that the crisis of governance will occur in the West than China. The United States and Europe are in decline and, as a consequence, their ruling elites and political systems are already suffering from declining legitimacy and authority, a process that is likely to continue. China, in contrast, is a rising power whose ruling elite is likely to enjoy growing status and prestige as a consequence. China, though, faces its own kind of governance challenge. The country is changing at extraordinary speed. If one thinks of how the life of an ordinary person has changed over the course of the last three decades, then this is a measure of how everything else, including political rule, must also change in order to survive. Of course, transparency, representivity and accountability have been transformed since Mao’s death, but this is a dynamic process and arguably the greatest changes still lie in the future. It is not that China needs to or should change its system – it has stood the test of time and managed to stay abreast of and lead the wider transformations – but, this notwithstanding, more profound ways must be found to modernise the political system and its institutions if they are to meet the demands and expectations of a very different society.

With How To Do? In China ... Bonus films - milk tea tour ... Local coffee trip in ShangHai ...