90% of US drone strike deaths are civilians

Xiong'An is a new city on the outskirts of BeiJing. With Lee Barrett, with JaYoe Nation ...

Introduction: Hoisin sauce is a thick, flavorful condiment commonly used in Chinese cuisine as a dipping sauce, marinade, or glaze for meat dishes. While store-bought hoisin sauce is readily available, making it at home allows you to control the ingredients and customize the flavor to your taste preferences. This DIY hoisin sauce recipe is simple to prepare and uses easily sourced ingredients. Ingredients: 1/4 cup soy sauce 2 tablespoons peanut butter (smooth) 1 tablespoon honey or molasses 1 tablespoon rice vinegar or apple cider vinegar 1 clove garlic, minced 1 teaspoon sesame oil 1/2 teaspoon Chinese five-spice powder 1/4 teaspoon black pepper 1/4 teaspoon salt 1/4 teaspoon chili oil or paste, or sriracha or other chili sauce (optional, for heat) Method: Combine Ingredients: In a small bowl, whisk together the soy sauce, peanut butter, honey or molasses, rice vinegar, minced garlic, sesame oil, Chinese five-spice powder, black pepper, and chili paste (if using). Mix until smooth and well combined. Adjust Consistency: If the hoisin sauce is too thick, you can thin it out with a little water or additional soy sauce. If it's too thin, you can add more peanut butter or honey to thicken it to your desired consistency. Taste and Adjust: Taste the hoisin sauce and adjust the seasoning as needed. You can add more soy sauce for saltiness, honey for sweetness, vinegar for acidity, or chili paste for heat, according to your taste preferences. Store: Transfer the homemade hoisin sauce to a clean, airtight container and store it in the refrigerator for up to 2 weeks. Allow the flavors to meld together for at least an hour before using the sauce. Usage Tips: Use homemade hoisin sauce as a dipping sauce for spring rolls, dumplings, or roasted meats. Brush it on grilled chicken, pork, or tofu as a flavorful marinade or glaze. Stir it into stir-fries or noodle dishes for added depth of flavor. Adjust the sweetness, saltiness, and spiciness of the hoisin sauce to suit your taste preferences. Enjoy your homemade hoisin sauce in your favorite Chinese dishes! Hoisin sauce is commonly used as a condiment for Peking Duck. Peking Duck is a famous dish from Beijing (formerly known as Peking), where roasted duck is served with thin pancakes, along with condiments such as hoisin sauce, sliced scallions, and cucumber. When enjoying Peking Duck, diners typically spread hoisin sauce onto a pancake, then add slices of roasted duck, along with some sliced scallions and cucumber. The pancake is then rolled up and eaten as a delicious and flavorful wrap. Hoisin sauce complements the rich, savory flavor of the roasted duck with its sweet, salty, and umami notes. It adds depth and complexity to each bite and enhances the overall dining experience. While hoisin sauce is a key component of Peking Duck, you can also use it as a condiment for other dishes, such as stir-fries, grilled meats, spring rolls, and more. Its versatility makes it a popular choice in Chinese cuisine.

At one time just the little sister to GuiLin, today YangShuo has become a global village. YangShuo has been influenced by many years as a magnet for backpackers from the world over, though it still has the charm of a small south-China town. It nestles among beautiful natural scenery along the Li River, and has exciting outdoor activities, wonderful dining and an energetic nightlife.

An inspiration to us all ...

Jiddu Krishnamurti ... LiZiQi ... Alan Watts ... Gabor Mate ...

Directed by, co-written by, and starring Jay Chou. With Gwei Lun-Mei, Anthony Wong and Alice Tzeng. Filmed in Taiwan; released 2007. We cannot tell what happens. But don't miss it ... As in life. Better late than never. The secret is right there, if one has open eyes, and an open heart.

With Cyrus Janssen ... Comment by Gustavo Andrés ... There is an overwhelming assumption in the West that China’s Achilles heel is the state: that it lacks legitimacy. This is the underlying reason why Westerners believe that China’s transformation is unsustainable: that the political system cannot survive. It would be wrong to suggest that attitudes have not shifted: the endurance of the reform period, now over 35 years old, and the scale of its achievement have bred a growing if still grudging respect, and a less apocalyptic view of Chinese political change. Few now regard it to be imminent and many have extended their time horizons somewhat into the future. Nevertheless, most Westerners still regard China’s present political order as lacking legitimacy and as ultimately unsustainable. In the post 1945 period, Westerners have come to believe that Western-style democracy – essentially universal suffrage and a multi-party system – is more or less the sole source of a government’s legitimacy. This is a superficial and ahistorical position. Western-style democracy does not ensure the legitimacy of a regime in the eyes of its people: Italy is perhaps the classic example, with successive governments over a long historical period experiencing a chronic lack of legitimacy. And what of China? Although it does not have Western-style democracy, there is plenty of evidence – for example the Pew Global Attitude surveys and the work of Tony Saich at the Harvard Kennedy School – that the Chinese government enjoys high levels of support and legitimacy, much higher indeed than those of Western governments. How do we explain this? Clearly the reason is not Western-style democracy because China has not chosen this path. The late Lucian W. Pye, in his book ‘Asian Power and Politics’, argues that Western scholars have, in their understanding of politics, prioritised political systems over political cultures: Pye argues, correctly in my view, that the opposite is the case. His insight is highly relevant to the Chinese case. The relationship between the state and society in China is very different from that which characterises Western societies. There are three key elements. First, China is primarily a civilization-state rather than a nation-state, with the overriding and extremely difficult age-old task of government being to maintain the unity of China and its civilization. This has lent the state an enduring authority, importance and centrality in China that is very different from the Western nation-state tradition. The state is intrinsic to China in a way that this is not true in Western societies: they are, in effect, in large degree synonymous. Furthermore the Chinese regard the state in some degree as an expression and extension of themselves. Second, whereas in Western societies the state is seen in an instrumentalist and utilitarian way – in other words, what will it do for me? – in China, following from the Confucian tradition and the idea that the Emperor should model himself on the father’s role as the head of the family, the state is perceived in a familial way, whence the expression ‘nation-family’, or the idea of China as an extended family. Or, to put it another way, in Western societies the state is viewed as an external and somewhat artificial construct, for the Chinese it is an intimate. Third, a much higher premium is placed on the efficiency and efficacy of the state than in the West, whence the importance of meritocracy in the recruitment of public servants. In the West, discussion about the state largely revolves around the manner by which the government is selected, in China, by way of contrast, the competence of the state assumes priority. Fourthly, following from the previous point, the state is expected and required to deliver in China. Over the last few decades, of course, it has presided over and masterminded a huge transformation, the most remarkable in modern economic history. The contrast between the performance of the Chinese and Western economies is manifest. In summary, the relationship between the state and society in China and the West is profoundly different and the reasons lie in the historical and cultural differences between them. They can and should learn from each other but they will remain distinct. So what of the future? As I mentioned at the outset, it is axiomatic in the West that sooner or later China will face a crisis of governance that will result in profound reform along Western lines. In reality, it seems far more likely that the crisis of governance will occur in the West than China. The United States and Europe are in decline and, as a consequence, their ruling elites and political systems are already suffering from declining legitimacy and authority, a process that is likely to continue. China, in contrast, is a rising power whose ruling elite is likely to enjoy growing status and prestige as a consequence. China, though, faces its own kind of governance challenge. The country is changing at extraordinary speed. If one thinks of how the life of an ordinary person has changed over the course of the last three decades, then this is a measure of how everything else, including political rule, must also change in order to survive. Of course, transparency, representivity and accountability have been transformed since Mao’s death, but this is a dynamic process and arguably the greatest changes still lie in the future. It is not that China needs to or should change its system – it has stood the test of time and managed to stay abreast of and lead the wider transformations – but, this notwithstanding, more profound ways must be found to modernise the political system and its institutions if they are to meet the demands and expectations of a very different society.

JiangSu province.