HuaShan 华山 mountain, ShaanXi province – the ‘Plank Walk’

Planning War On China part 40 (the encore). From now, all similar content will be on the new Geopolitics page, so do check that out and bookmark. Something Different, health, and psychology videos are likely to also move to their own pages. So we will still cover all these aspects of life, but have more time to focus on Chinese culture and China travel. *************************** Official racism is a very important fact to consider, and because it is is based on propaganda, can be easily missed for what it really is. Yet once seen, it is all so clear. Us and Them - is the sales pitch of supremacists and bomb companies. That is ALL it is. There is no 'us and them'; that is just a scam to fool you into obedience / subservience / enslavement. The real schism is that there are real / open-eyed people, and then there are the brainwashed / believers people. Simple as that. Puppets at the top; puppets at the bottom. One life, one world, one family. One has love, or one does not. Real love doesn't have targets; real love is a light that shines in all directions. Onto the video film ... With George Galloway in conversation with Jerry Grey ... Bonus films ... George at his very best - don't miss it ... What is more important - life or money (power) ? Simply believe ? Or be free to see reality ?? No longer puppet. Live more ... Because it is not about 'me' (that is the scam / fantasy, and a big topic in itself - 'your problems are all your fault', is part of it); it is really about 'WE'. In China, the people are family. In the West, the people are livestock. And that is the 'threat'. Oliver Stone interviews Vladimir Putin ... Taiwan the next Ukraine ? ... Lee Camp ... Racism is racism is racism. There is NO excuse, no matter how 'official' it is sold to you. Something like 3 million died in the Vietnam war (not including the carpet bombing of Laos and Cambodia), alone. This is what racism entails. How many times will this lie play out ? Meanwhile ... Peace.

With the Moderate Rebels / Ben Norton ... If either did not assist the other in time of war, they would go down soon after. Neither Russia nor China are warmongers, neither seek some kind of world domination, only protection; hegemony is very much only a fantasy of the West (the neo-feudal elites, not the people). Russia has the nukes, China has the manpower and manufacturing. Only together can they withstand the imminent war. On Roosevelt's notion of economic freedom - with The Gravel Institute ... Meanwhile ...

TiánZǐFāng is a neighborhood of labyrinthine alleyways off TaiKang Road (TàiKāng Lù). TianZiFang is known for small craft stores, coffee shops, trendy art studios and narrow alleys. It has become a popular tourist destination in ShangHai, and an example of the preservation of local ShiKuMen architecture, with some similarities to XinTianDi.

WuLingYuan Scenic Area, HuNan province. A great film by Sticker Travel ...

The first time I went to JuYong Pass was a coach trip and we had only an hour at this stop on the tour. Yet I was determined to get to the top and return to the coach on time. Result - absolute exhaustion, but I did manage to get some photos along the way :) In this video, a lot of the early part of the climb is skipped, but I still think you will get the picture. JuYongGuan is the inner pass of BaDaLing Great Wall. A great movie moment, superb filming ...

Near DaTong, ShanXi province. The Hanging Temple (XuanKong Temple 悬空寺, XuánKōng Sì) is constructed on a vertical cliff face, 75 meters (245 feet) above the ground, at the foot of the HengShan mountain. The temple lies about 64 kilometers south east of the city of DaTong. Together with the YunGang Grottoes, the Hanging Temple is one of the main tourist attractions and historical sites in the DaTong area. Built more than 1,600 years ago, this temple is notable also as the only surviving temple combining all three Chinese traditional religions/philosophies: Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism. The structure is kept in place with oak crossbeams slotted into holes chiseled into the cliffs. The main supportive structure is hidden inside the rock. The temple is located in a small canyon basin, and is situated under a prominent summit that helps protect the temple from rain and sunlight. The YunGang Grottoes are located at the southern foot of Mount WuZhou, 16 kilometers west of DaTong. There are 250 caves here containing many thousands of carvings and statues.

上海北外滩白玉兰广场春节漫步之行-迎春锣鼓秀 With Wei's Travel ...

HuBei province.

Filmed in November 2011.

With Cyrus Janssen ... Comment by Gustavo Andrés ... There is an overwhelming assumption in the West that China’s Achilles heel is the state: that it lacks legitimacy. This is the underlying reason why Westerners believe that China’s transformation is unsustainable: that the political system cannot survive. It would be wrong to suggest that attitudes have not shifted: the endurance of the reform period, now over 35 years old, and the scale of its achievement have bred a growing if still grudging respect, and a less apocalyptic view of Chinese political change. Few now regard it to be imminent and many have extended their time horizons somewhat into the future. Nevertheless, most Westerners still regard China’s present political order as lacking legitimacy and as ultimately unsustainable. In the post 1945 period, Westerners have come to believe that Western-style democracy – essentially universal suffrage and a multi-party system – is more or less the sole source of a government’s legitimacy. This is a superficial and ahistorical position. Western-style democracy does not ensure the legitimacy of a regime in the eyes of its people: Italy is perhaps the classic example, with successive governments over a long historical period experiencing a chronic lack of legitimacy. And what of China? Although it does not have Western-style democracy, there is plenty of evidence – for example the Pew Global Attitude surveys and the work of Tony Saich at the Harvard Kennedy School – that the Chinese government enjoys high levels of support and legitimacy, much higher indeed than those of Western governments. How do we explain this? Clearly the reason is not Western-style democracy because China has not chosen this path. The late Lucian W. Pye, in his book ‘Asian Power and Politics’, argues that Western scholars have, in their understanding of politics, prioritised political systems over political cultures: Pye argues, correctly in my view, that the opposite is the case. His insight is highly relevant to the Chinese case. The relationship between the state and society in China is very different from that which characterises Western societies. There are three key elements. First, China is primarily a civilization-state rather than a nation-state, with the overriding and extremely difficult age-old task of government being to maintain the unity of China and its civilization. This has lent the state an enduring authority, importance and centrality in China that is very different from the Western nation-state tradition. The state is intrinsic to China in a way that this is not true in Western societies: they are, in effect, in large degree synonymous. Furthermore the Chinese regard the state in some degree as an expression and extension of themselves. Second, whereas in Western societies the state is seen in an instrumentalist and utilitarian way – in other words, what will it do for me? – in China, following from the Confucian tradition and the idea that the Emperor should model himself on the father’s role as the head of the family, the state is perceived in a familial way, whence the expression ‘nation-family’, or the idea of China as an extended family. Or, to put it another way, in Western societies the state is viewed as an external and somewhat artificial construct, for the Chinese it is an intimate. Third, a much higher premium is placed on the efficiency and efficacy of the state than in the West, whence the importance of meritocracy in the recruitment of public servants. In the West, discussion about the state largely revolves around the manner by which the government is selected, in China, by way of contrast, the competence of the state assumes priority. Fourthly, following from the previous point, the state is expected and required to deliver in China. Over the last few decades, of course, it has presided over and masterminded a huge transformation, the most remarkable in modern economic history. The contrast between the performance of the Chinese and Western economies is manifest. In summary, the relationship between the state and society in China and the West is profoundly different and the reasons lie in the historical and cultural differences between them. They can and should learn from each other but they will remain distinct. So what of the future? As I mentioned at the outset, it is axiomatic in the West that sooner or later China will face a crisis of governance that will result in profound reform along Western lines. In reality, it seems far more likely that the crisis of governance will occur in the West than China. The United States and Europe are in decline and, as a consequence, their ruling elites and political systems are already suffering from declining legitimacy and authority, a process that is likely to continue. China, in contrast, is a rising power whose ruling elite is likely to enjoy growing status and prestige as a consequence. China, though, faces its own kind of governance challenge. The country is changing at extraordinary speed. If one thinks of how the life of an ordinary person has changed over the course of the last three decades, then this is a measure of how everything else, including political rule, must also change in order to survive. Of course, transparency, representivity and accountability have been transformed since Mao’s death, but this is a dynamic process and arguably the greatest changes still lie in the future. It is not that China needs to or should change its system – it has stood the test of time and managed to stay abreast of and lead the wider transformations – but, this notwithstanding, more profound ways must be found to modernise the political system and its institutions if they are to meet the demands and expectations of a very different society.