XiangMi Park, ShenZhen, during the Spring Festival holidays

With Cyrus Janssen ... Comment by Gustavo Andrés ... There is an overwhelming assumption in the West that China’s Achilles heel is the state: that it lacks legitimacy. This is the underlying reason why Westerners believe that China’s transformation is unsustainable: that the political system cannot survive. It would be wrong to suggest that attitudes have not shifted: the endurance of the reform period, now over 35 years old, and the scale of its achievement have bred a growing if still grudging respect, and a less apocalyptic view of Chinese political change. Few now regard it to be imminent and many have extended their time horizons somewhat into the future. Nevertheless, most Westerners still regard China’s present political order as lacking legitimacy and as ultimately unsustainable. In the post 1945 period, Westerners have come to believe that Western-style democracy – essentially universal suffrage and a multi-party system – is more or less the sole source of a government’s legitimacy. This is a superficial and ahistorical position. Western-style democracy does not ensure the legitimacy of a regime in the eyes of its people: Italy is perhaps the classic example, with successive governments over a long historical period experiencing a chronic lack of legitimacy. And what of China? Although it does not have Western-style democracy, there is plenty of evidence – for example the Pew Global Attitude surveys and the work of Tony Saich at the Harvard Kennedy School – that the Chinese government enjoys high levels of support and legitimacy, much higher indeed than those of Western governments. How do we explain this? Clearly the reason is not Western-style democracy because China has not chosen this path. The late Lucian W. Pye, in his book ‘Asian Power and Politics’, argues that Western scholars have, in their understanding of politics, prioritised political systems over political cultures: Pye argues, correctly in my view, that the opposite is the case. His insight is highly relevant to the Chinese case. The relationship between the state and society in China is very different from that which characterises Western societies. There are three key elements. First, China is primarily a civilization-state rather than a nation-state, with the overriding and extremely difficult age-old task of government being to maintain the unity of China and its civilization. This has lent the state an enduring authority, importance and centrality in China that is very different from the Western nation-state tradition. The state is intrinsic to China in a way that this is not true in Western societies: they are, in effect, in large degree synonymous. Furthermore the Chinese regard the state in some degree as an expression and extension of themselves. Second, whereas in Western societies the state is seen in an instrumentalist and utilitarian way – in other words, what will it do for me? – in China, following from the Confucian tradition and the idea that the Emperor should model himself on the father’s role as the head of the family, the state is perceived in a familial way, whence the expression ‘nation-family’, or the idea of China as an extended family. Or, to put it another way, in Western societies the state is viewed as an external and somewhat artificial construct, for the Chinese it is an intimate. Third, a much higher premium is placed on the efficiency and efficacy of the state than in the West, whence the importance of meritocracy in the recruitment of public servants. In the West, discussion about the state largely revolves around the manner by which the government is selected, in China, by way of contrast, the competence of the state assumes priority. Fourthly, following from the previous point, the state is expected and required to deliver in China. Over the last few decades, of course, it has presided over and masterminded a huge transformation, the most remarkable in modern economic history. The contrast between the performance of the Chinese and Western economies is manifest. In summary, the relationship between the state and society in China and the West is profoundly different and the reasons lie in the historical and cultural differences between them. They can and should learn from each other but they will remain distinct. So what of the future? As I mentioned at the outset, it is axiomatic in the West that sooner or later China will face a crisis of governance that will result in profound reform along Western lines. In reality, it seems far more likely that the crisis of governance will occur in the West than China. The United States and Europe are in decline and, as a consequence, their ruling elites and political systems are already suffering from declining legitimacy and authority, a process that is likely to continue. China, in contrast, is a rising power whose ruling elite is likely to enjoy growing status and prestige as a consequence. China, though, faces its own kind of governance challenge. The country is changing at extraordinary speed. If one thinks of how the life of an ordinary person has changed over the course of the last three decades, then this is a measure of how everything else, including political rule, must also change in order to survive. Of course, transparency, representivity and accountability have been transformed since Mao’s death, but this is a dynamic process and arguably the greatest changes still lie in the future. It is not that China needs to or should change its system – it has stood the test of time and managed to stay abreast of and lead the wider transformations – but, this notwithstanding, more profound ways must be found to modernise the political system and its institutions if they are to meet the demands and expectations of a very different society.

ZhouZhuang, part of the area that Marco Polo described as the 'Venice of the East', lies just 37 miles west of Shanghai (about an hour's drive) ...

'Nine Villages Valley', SiChuan province. Aqua pools, streams and waterfalls, and snow capped peaks, surrounded by red and gold leaves - a very beautiful place ...

With DianXi XiaoGe ...

August 1st 2022. With The New Atlas - Brian Berletic and Angelo Giuliano ... Orsis Rutherford The problem with the US is that 90% of the population could not find Taiwan or The Ukraine on a map. I went to China in 2015 and I discovered an amazing country with a blend of tradition and modernity. People looked happy and I felt safe. AloofMicrobe "Be humble. Admit you know nothing about China. Start from zero and start building up a real understanding." Probably the best advice I've had my entire life - and I'm 63 years old! Thank you so much, both of you. Love and peace, from London. ashley mistletoe As a Taiwaneses, I can vouch for everything you said about Taiwan, history, politics.. very surprised that you nailed so much details. To add a few more facts: 1. Right now in Taiwan it's a hostage situation: people don't want to go to war with China but this government is doing america bidding and for us it's just disgusting, hateful yet there's nothing much we can do... 2. This government brainwashes the less informed population, controls media and public opinions with a massive cyber force that's silencing and suppressing opposition. It's despicable that they have the shame to brag about democracy. 3. NO ONE IN TAIWAN WANTS A WAR, not even the heavily propagandized, except the very few brainwashed extremists. Those in power such as Ms. Tsai never mind bleeding our blood but trust me they will be the first to fly away the moment smell of war approaches. 4. I've heard over and over again that parents told their kids to surrender when the war breaks out. I remember vividly one of them said, "Who are we fighting for? Tsai Yinwen?" followed with an angry sneer. THIS GOVERNMENT IS A DISGRACE. Nancy Barra Brian, you represent the best of young Americans. Your critical thinking and analytical skills are amazing and I hope people like you can lead the United States to a new era in the future. In the meantime you are helping a lot of people to think beyond what mass media is proyecting. Angelo Giluino is also a great thinker and analyst. Gav Munro As a Brit in China I agree with Angelo 100% about the sense of humility that we should have. I was someone who questioned why things were the way they were in China, thankfully the more I tried to understand China the quicker I grew out of it. There's a much said phrase here that 'When I landed in China I could write a book about it, after 10 years I could write a leaflet on it, after 15 years I can barely write half a page about it'. That's the reality. China is an enigma, it's not to be 'advised' but to be respected and studied. It's brought it's poorest into a middle class at a rate of knots. The west is vilifying China not to China's determent but to their own. They could learn so much from China's rise. Their elites choose not to tell the people the real story. That's the real tragedy. Bonus film - with Richard Wolff ... Bonus film - with Garland Nixon ...

ChengDu is the provincial capital of SiChuan, in south west China. The film includes the Panda Research Center, ChengDu city center, JinLi historical district, Happy Valley and more ...

With Wei's Travel ...

GuangXi province. With a great song too :)

JingShan Park lies immediately north of the Forbidden City (Palace Museum).

Opens today - 27th June 2021.

Home to the Buddhist Dai ethnic group, BanNa is close to the border with Myanmar, with an almost tropical climate.